The entries to this blog are meant for the wonderful UW-Milwaukee students who took this Study Abroad trip, and to the teachers and cultural artists with whom we spent our time. I accompanied trip, assisting in various ways the leader, Professor Simone Ferro of the Dance Department, the Peck School of the Arts, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. I also served as self-appointed documentarian and informal blogger, trying to reflect the main themes of the trip.
The students themselves provided ongoing personal comments on social media; this blog is, for the most part, not about those personal experiences so much as the group activities and our contact with Afro-Brazilian culture in Northeast Brazil.
Though there will be some additions to the individual entries as there is more time for reflection and feedback, the basic posts are in place.
Several of the individual posts include video clips of dance classes or festival performances. The video clips are linked below as well for anyone who would like to see them all together.
Drumming classes with Afro-Brazilian samba-reggae group Olodum, Salvador (Bahia), June, 2015
Dance classes in Salvador (e.g., orixa dances, Maracatu, Frevo), June, 2015
Dance classes in indio/tapuia movement typical of the Baixada style of Bumba-meu-boi da Floresta, Sao Luis, June 2015.
Dance classes in the heritage Afro-Brazilian dance Tambor da Crioula, with Bumba-meu-boi da Floresta, Sao Luis, June 2015.
Zabumba group Boi Unidos Venceremos in performance, Sao Luis, June 2015
Batizado (baptism) of the boi/ox, Bumba-meu-boi da Floresta, Sao Luis (Maranhao), June 23-24, 2015
Oludum is a well-known percussion, performance, pedagogical, and community service organization located in the historical center of Salvador (Bahia). We have worked with them for years because of their community mission and the generosity and openness they have shown our University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee students.
Its name evokes the name of the African deity Oludumare, and the group has strong roots in African-Brazilian culture. It calls its rhythmic base “samba-reggae.”
The performance group carrying the name Oludum has performed with international artists such as Paul Simon and Michael Jackson, and it tours internationally.
Its cultural programs are aimed at Bahian youth who apprentice with Oludum to become percussionists, many going on to perform with various groups.
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Study Abroad students are here taking instruction Jose Izqueirdo, accompanied and assisted by teen-aged apprentices of Oludum.
The student began first on rubber percussion stands and progressed to a variety of drums.
The photos and video show Jose with the apprentices and the UW-Milwaukee students.
Jose Izqueirdo of Oludum, with apprentices and UW-Milwaukee students
One of the more advanced apprentices who solos with the group and performs outside
Each time I visit Rio de Janeiro I vow to avoid the trip up the Corcovado to Cristo Redentor (the enormous Christ the Redeemer statue that is an icon of Rio). But here we are again.
To conclude the Study Abroad trip the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee students spent a day and a half in Rio de Janeiro, touring and preparing for the flight from Rio through Atlanta to Milwaukee.
Another obligatory stop in Rio is the cable gondola to the top of Sugar Loaf. It goes in two stages, from a lower (but still high) promontory to the Sugar Loaf itself. This trip was at the end of a chilly winter day, in time for the sunset and early darkness from the top.
The following day was a quieter, and warmer one, with the temperatures near 70 degrees (Rio de Janeiro winter but much like the Milwaukee summer) — with a ride on the municipal subway and long walk on the Copacabana.
Cristo Redentor on the peak of Corcovado
View on a cloudy winter day from the Corcovado
UW-Milwaukee students at Cristo Redentor, the day before traveling home
View from the Corcovado to the city of Rio de Janeiro, with the Sugar Loaf (Pao de Acucar) in the upper left
Sugar Loaf
The gondola docked at the base station, Swiss-made they say. A relief since the antique contraption of two decades ago has been museumed.Gondola ride to the first station on the way to Pao de Acucar
Rio from the Sugar loaf, early evening
Another view of Rio from the Sugar Loaf. The Corcovado with Cristo Redentor is the faint, glowing spot in the upper right
The best known embroidery artisan in Sao Luis (Maranhao) is Tania Lucia Soares. Her style is unmistakable and widely-seen in the Sao Luis festival. She may do a dozen or more bois and many costumes during the course of a single year, all needed for delivery by June 23.
She has a small cottage-industry with her husband and a few young men who help with the embroidery.
Even though her work is regional, she is part of an international market. The best beads, sequins and decorative glass pieces are made abroad and only available in the markets of Sao Paulo. Each year or so she must import another expensive load of material for the new season.
Embroiderer in Dona Tania Lucia Soares workshop, Sao Luis
A closer look, showing the religious figures, St John (Sao Joao) on the left, in his popular attribute in Sao Luis as a child with a lamb
Simone Ferro and master embroiderer Tania Lucia Soares, Sao Luis, June 2015
Detail of a new (2015) skin of the ox (couro do boi), to be baptized on the eve of Saint John
Representation of the Virgin Mary on a new couro, 2015
Detail of the central figure of Jesus, on a couro embroidered for the new (2015) boi/ox for Bumba-meu-boi da Liberdade (also known as Boi de Leonardo)
A couro mounted on a boi, danced in the 2015 season by the group Boi Uniao da Baixada. The white dove, representing the Holy Ghost (Espirito Santo), and the tableau of the last supper are elaborate and popular themes
A new ox of Boi da Uniao Baixada, embroidered by Tania Soares, is freshly baptized and ready to enter the street, Sao Luis (June 23-24, 2015)
The batizado of Bumba-meu-boi da Floresta was especially meaningful, and sad, this year. The founder and leader of the group for over 40 years had died the previous week. This leading Baixada group, based in a bairro of Sao Luis, holds a private baptism on June 23-24 — in the heritage manner. The ceremony begins late in the evening in the group’s headquarters (sede), and the boi is baptized after midnight after prayers and hymns in a long liturgy. The group then enters the street in a procession that lasts into the early hours of the morning.
Batizado in the headquarters of Bumba-meu-boi da Floresta. the new boi is placed before the altar. Leading members of the group are at the sides.
The recently-deceased leader, Mestre Apolonio Melonio, died at the age of 96. He joined Humberto de Maracana, another iconic figure of the BmB, who died only a few months before. Just a few years before that Maranhao’s popular culture lost Terezinha Jansen, leader of Boi de Fe em Deus, who died in 2008.
As the older generation of founders and leaders leaves the scene, leadership is passing to a new group of leaders who are often women and products of a more modern and urbanized Maranhao. This is especially true for groups in Sao Luis, the capital city, but even groups in the interior find that their survival depends on adapting to the needs of modern government, media and commercial organization.
The batizado honored tradition, but also honored the passing of a member of the older generation and another step in the transition in the transformation and modernization of the festival.
For years much of the management of the group been shared by Mestre Apolonio with his wife Nadir Cruz. Now Nadir, her daughter Talyene Melonio, and the senior members of Floresta are adjusting to the new era of the group.
The batizado is opened with percussion on panderoes (frame drums), large tambourines, and drums. Drums made in the old style with animal skin are tuned for performance over an open fire.
A cazumba begins the dance, wearing the signature mask style of Abel Texeira (and now his wife), begins the dance. Abel and his wife are long-term members and brincantes (performers) with Floresta
After hymns to Saint John and other devotional figures, the ox kneels before the altar, flanked by members of the group in indio/tapuia dress. They are also paying homage to Mestre Apolonio for whom special songs were sung in the liturgy — commemorating the recent loss of this iconic figure after more than 40 years of leadership.
After being baptized the boi now dances — here with Talyene Melonio (center, back to camera) daughter of founder Apolonio in india/tapuia dress.
The boi/ox dances with the female character Catirina in the last phase of the private celebration
An experienced indio/tapuia. We have known him since his first entry as an indio, dancing the simplified steps of the young performers. He is now a full-fledged tapuia with this elaborate costume, headdress and decoration.
The group takes the street after the baptism; here the indias join as the group forms a procession through the neighborhood into the early hours of the morning of Saint John’s day.
The batizado (baptism) of the boi/ox takes traditionally takes place on the eve of June 23 with the blessing taking place after midnight, on the turn of the night to the day of Saint John the Baptist (Sao Joao, the patron of the Bumba-meu-boi festival).
A new ox awaits baptism by a Catholic priest. Although the priest is careful to note that this is not an official baptism of the Church (because he ox is not a human), he has prepared a special liturgy for the event. He then blesses the ox “in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.” The boi on the lower left has a new skin/couro; just above is a bare ox frame without its skin.
This is the heritage practice, once considered necessary before the boi enters the street to dance. In less commercial times the celebration would take place in a private space or community and might last all night. In the more commercial, performance-oriented environment of the festival in Sao Luis, it is often abbreviated or even performed early. This shows a perfunctory acknowledgement of tradition while allowing the more commercially-oriented groups to begin (paid) performance before the day of Sao Joao. The batizado is one of the heritage customs that has changed with the urbanization and professionalization of the Bumba-meu-boi performance schedule (now largely determined by the city government and commercial entities).
The batizado of Boi Uniao da Baixado, in the bairro of Monte Castelo, is somewhere in between. This ceremony was performed before the day of Sao Joao in order to allow the group to perform that night on a municipal stage. However, the batizado was performed from a specially-prepared liturgy by a priest of the Catholic Church, Padre Haroldo. He is sometimes known as “Padre boeiro,” the priest who dances with the boi.
In this ceremony he wears his boeiro hat and cape over his priest’s vestments. After the batizado we also saw that he wore the rest of his costume under the vestments, doing a quick-change in order to dance with the boi as it entered the street. He later appeared with the group as it performed at the city venue known as Maria Aragao.
The private batizado is usually attended only by members of the groups, close neighbors and friends. They are not advertised and are only known to a smaller circle.
In this case, we did not know the group well, but were friends with Izaurina Nunes, a leading local proponent of cultura popular who was instrumental in having the Bumba-meu-boi designated as a national cultural landmark in 2011. She served as the madrinha (godmother) of the boi, just as in a official baptism there are godparents to assure the spiritual development of the person baptized. Being asked to be godmother or godfather is an honor to special friends and dignitaries, and often to supportive public figures and financial contributors.
The priest is careful to say that this is not a person and therefore not a real baptism in the sense of the institutional church. Shortly after this official disclaimer, he baptizes the ox in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, sprinking water on the new boi and the crowd.
The priest, Padre Haroldo (popularly known as Padre boeiro) with ox frames and members of Boi Uniao da Baixado, June 2015
The packed gathering place of the group (known as a headquarters or sede) during the batizado. Just left of center is the madrinha, or godmother, of the new boi.
The newly-baptized boi is “no longer a pagan,” and can dance in performance
Now in performance on the municipal stage known as Maria Aragao, the boi is danced by the “miolo” (a local idiom meaning the “insides” of the ox)
A cazumba in the Baixada tradition
The “burrinha,” a small donkey that accompanies the dancers and boi.
In the central plaza of Salvador and in the street below the Pelourinho are two churches that symbolize the colonial past of Salvador.
The first is the Church of Saint Francis, dedicated to the saint dedicated to the poor. In the Portuguese colonial times this dedication meant using some 600 slaves to construct the church, which features some 700 kilos of gold.
Saint Francis is shown on the altar in a pose that appears martyr-like.
The rear of the church has a space where the non-consecrated could stand. But not the slaves. They were not part of the congregation, which was for centuries comprised of the “European” elite of Salvador.
During this period many slaves became expert craftspeople, working in precious metals, wood and stone. Some of the carving in balustrades and dividing walls around the nave feature lush figures evocative of African fertility symbols, a sign of the artistic heritage that seems to subvert and resist the baroque European lavishness of the cathedral.
Church of Sao Francisco (Saint Francis)
Church of Saint Francis, Salvador (Bahia)
The church of Saint Francis was built by, but not for, blacks in Salvador. Barred from worship in the colonial baroque cathedral, they built their own church using the labor and craftsmanship that had built the larger European-style churches.
Nossa Senhora do Rosario dos Pretos is just below the plaza of the Pelourinho and called Our Lady of the Rosary of the Blacks. It is simpler than the Church of Saint Francis, but shows much of the same artisanship in construction. Perhaps it could pass as one of the smaller European-style churches since black artisans had received their training in this form.
In an odd historical footnote, some of these artisans were able to return to Africa where they brought their skills with them. This led to the unusual phenomenon of African houses of worship (generally on the Benin coast) that look like Portuguese-Brazilian parish churches.
Nossa Senhora do Rosario dos Pretos (Our Lady of the Rosary of the Blacks)
A huge rosary at the entrance of the church signifies its name and devotion
The main altar of the church, here during a morning mass for Saint Anthony (June 2015)
During the mass for Saint Anthony there were a number of white-clad women in head covering typical of Afro-Brazilian worship. This underscores the interpenetration of Brazilian spiritual practice.
The church worships various figures that are represented as white — Our Lady of the Rosary and Saint Barbara. But a special place is reserved for black saints such as Saint Benedict (Sao Bento), Saint Iphegenia, and Saint Lesbao.
Particularly honored in Anastasja — not a saint, but a symbol of the oppression of slaves. She is known as a mistress/slave of a jealous master who first masked her to avoid her speaking, then eventually killed her. She is honored in a special altar in the rear courtyard of the church.
Anastasja, a slave whose master, out of jealously and possessiveness, forbid her to speak and eventually killed her.
In Salvador the two major styles are Capoeira Angola and Capoeira Nacional. Both are tremendously strenuous and athletic, but Nacional seems a bit harder and combative. Capoeira Angola is more graceful and some believe it has a gentler spiritual base. Comparing it to the better-known martial arts forms in the United States, it seems more like the circularity and mindfulness of Aikido than the percussive striking of karate.
Master of the Capoeira Angola style in Salvador, known as Mestre Angola. Here, playing the berimbau to accompany the practice
In Salvador’s historic center (Pelourinho), Mestre Angola instructs University of Milwaukee students (in front with backs to the camera, Mindy and Emily; in the back row, Imani, Mestre Angola, Armando, Tory)
Mestre Angola with UW-Milwaukee students (June 2015)
Mestre Angola demonstrating a floor kick
Helping UW-Milwaukee student Armando with the floor kick
The backbend is a typical move in this form of capoeira. Carly (;eft), Mestre Angola, Armando (upside down) and Mindy
Mestre Angola demonstrating a capoeira handstand
Mindy practicing handstand, with Tory (left) and Mestre Angola
UW-Milwaukee students Tory, Armando, Emily
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UW-Milwaukee dance students Carly, Imani
Tory and Emily. Behind, the walls are filled with historic photos of the Capoeira Angola tradition
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Study Abroad class (June 2015). Back row: Caelen, Carly, Mestre Angola, a student of Mestre Angola, Imani, Simone Ferro (Professor and leader of the UWM class); front row: Emily, Mindy, Armando, Tory
Officially there are five sotaques, or rhythmic styles, recognized in Maranhao. Each has a historical connection with a different region of the state. The regional distinctions have blurred over the decades as migrants from the interior came to Sao Luis and established groups in neighborhoods that reflected their heritage celebration.
India in sotaque de Orquestra. The stylized feathere costume and bow and arrow are meant to be evocative of Maranhao’s indigenous people. The introduction of indias in a few feathers radically altered the role of women performers after the 1950s, ending the hegemony of males in performance (Boi Lirio)
Groups have also sprung up in sotaques that were historically associated with another sotaque, such as Zabumba groups in areas of Costa-da-mao.
The names of the sotaques may have originated with popular usage, but this language has been adopted and codified by governmental and cultural agencies in Maranhao and the city of Sao Luis. Groups are identified as being of one rhythmic style or another, and the official city performance programs are based on that codification. So is the public funding that is given to the groups to support their public performance.
One famous scholar of the Bumba-meu-boi (Neto) has suggested that each group (there are some 400 or more in Maranhao) is its own sotaque, or accent. Certainly some of the groups show a hybridization of style that incorporates elements formerly unique to a particular sotaque.
There remains a popular and official understanding of the sotaques or “accents” in the culture of the celebration in Sao Luis:
Matraca (or Ilha)
Named for its use of the matraca as the rhythmic force, often with hundreds of participants and supports. It is historically associated with Sao Luis, which is an island capital — therefore the alternate name of Ilha. (This style is not pictured below.)
Zabumba
This sotaque is understood as the most “African” in style. It uses large standing drums (zabumbas) as its rhythmic accent.
Baixada
Originally from the interior of Maranhao, the sotaque exists in force in the area of Viana and Matinha. It also migrated to neighborhoods of Sao Luis with residents of the baixada interior coming to the city for work. In general, while the Baixada groups in the city have evolved considerably in their performative style; the groups in the interior tend to be more modest and closer to what is considered the heritage style.
Costa-da-mao
The name literally means “back of the hand,” which is the way the signature rhythmic drums are played. Originally associated with the region around Cururupu, it was celebrated by fishermen and laborers. A few Costa-da-mao roups survive, but their distinctiveness is now preserved by a diminishing number of heritage performers.
Orquestra
This style originated in the 1950s in the area around the river Munim (in such towns as Morros and Rosario). The legend is that a music school in the area provided a number of musicians skilled in “European” instruments that were not used in other sotaques (e.g., trumpets, banjos and other wind instruments). Orquestra pioneered the introduction of lightly-clad female indias/tapuias and evolved into the most performative and mediatic of the sotaques. It is a relative “newcomer” to popular culture, having its roots in the 1950s. In the memory of some younger people in Maranhao (marinhenses) it is now also a “traditional” style, but some members of the older generation, especially those in the older sotaques, are ambivalent about its heritage.
Orquestra’s instrumentation, rhythmic style, costumes, elaborate use of scantily-dressed performers and performance values have made it the fastest-growing style in the region. It is thought to account for as much as 50% of the groups in Maranhao. The use of women performers changed the celebration and performance of the Bumba-meu-boi, but also raised questions about the esthetic/performance of women (and the inevitable comparison with the Carnaval in Rio de Janeiro).
India in the sotaque Orquestra (Boi Lirio de Sao Joao, June 2015)
Male Orquestra performer known as a vaqueiro, or cowboy. This character evokes the importance of cattle ranching in Maranhao, as does the boi/ox itself (Boi Lirio de Sao Joao), June 2015
The boi/ox in an Orquestra group dances with Catirina, a slave in the original BmB story, historically played by a male performer in female clothing but now increasingly by a woman (Boi Lirio di Sao Joao).
An india dancing with the ox. This moment where an india vamps the ox (he typically ends the sequence with his head in her lap) has become a staple of Orquestra performances. It doesn’t have much to do with the original BmB slave narrative, and reflects the increased performativeness of the sotaque. Boi Lirio de Sao Joao, Sao Luis, June 2015
A Zabumba group: Boi Unidos Venceremos
This video shows the typical dance of the boi/ox with other characters during the performance (called a brincadeira, from brincar meaning “to play”).
The sound track shows the distinctive pulsing of the large drums (zabumbas) that give this rhythmic style its name. There are two ox figures being danced. The most prominent performers are the vaqueiros, representing cowhands in the narrative. The dancing indias toward the end are, at least in this group, young women and girls. This is one of the groups associated with an old heritage style, and its indias are dressed modestly compared to the newer Orquestra groups.
A Baixada Group: Boi da Santa Fe
Ze Ohlinho, leader and singer of the group (June 2105)
Leaders Ciriac, Simone, Ze Ohlinho, and Simone Ferro (UW-Milwaukee Professor and BmB researcher). We have known and interviewed these leaders for nearly a decade now.
The “caboclo real.” or royal indian. Caboclo refers here to indigenous figures who appear in the Baixada sotaque with elaborate headdresses. This headpiece portrays Saint George against a field of ribbons and other decorations.
This cazumba figure has multiple meanings, but is generally understood as a forest spirit. This mask is from the tradition of Abel Texeira, master maskmaker in the Baixada tradition who brought his cultural style from Viana in the interior. Now less active due to ill health, his style is being carried on by his wife.
A distinctive rhythm/percussion is the Tambor Onca, the leopard drum. It is activated with a percussion stick inside that resonates with the skin, making a roaring or groaning sound. It is typical in the Baixada style, but used in others as well.
Bumba-meu-boi da Santa Fe is known for its elaborate and fanciful Cazumba costumes. The availability of light-weight Styrofoam has made it possible for the headpieces to be built in enormous heights.
Cazumba, Boi da Santa Fe (June 2015)
Cazumba with butterfly headpiece
A Nearly-Vanishing Style: Costa da Mao (here: Bumba-meu-Boi de Elezio)
Costa-da-mao is known for it elaborate and distinctive costumes (BmB de Eliezio, June 2015)
Typical Costa-da-mao percussion, played with the back of the hand. The performer is dressed as a “Caboclo da Fita,” a ribboned figure that is generally an indigenous reference
Costa-da-mao percussion (right). On the left is the Catirina performer, here a man in female dress
Costa-da-mao is now represented by only a few groups and one must search the schedule to find one in performance in the Sao Luis festival. Its distinctive percussion and costumes may be preserved with government support (now more likely since the Bumba-meu-boi was declared a national cultural patrimony), but the rural culture on which it was based is changing rapidly.
UW-Milwaukee spent time with several scholars and artists connected with the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) and with public education in Salvador. Their dance instruction was enriched by their intellectual and cultural commitment to preserving and interpreting the African-Brazilian tradition of Salvador. This included instruction in Samba da Roda (a circular dance of women), orixa dances, the Maracatu, the Frevo and others.
The instructors emphasized two elements of the movement class. The first was teaching the form of movement associated with the dances. The second emphasized the spiritual sense of the tradition and helped students innovate and move with some of their own interpretive skill. This was particularly true of the orixa dances associated with Iemanja and Omulu.
Imani, Daniela Amoroso (teaching) and Armando
Samba da Roda, class with Daniela Amoroso
Mindy, (Frida Kahlo on the wall), Daniela and Carly
Troy, Daniela, and Simone Ferro, learning the umbigada (the bumping of abdomens that passes the solo from one dancer to another)
The venue for the classes was an old Salvador house that had been abandoned for years and was now being renovated and refunctioned by Daniela Amoroso and others. The spaces shown here are the older rooms used for celebration, instruction and other events.
Carly, Mindy, Imani, Daniela (instructor), and Caelen (Tory in the background)
UW-Milwaukee Study Abroad students in a stretch at the end of class — it is also a joint affirmation of their dancing as a community
Dances to the orixa Iemanja, Maracatu, Frevo with Denny Neves
Emily, Caelen, Denny (instructor), percussionist in far right. Demonstrating the rhythm of the dance.
Denny leading the class of University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee students
Imani, Carly, Armando, Denny (teaching) and percussionist
Caelen, Denny (background) and percussionist
African-derived rhythm instruments (woven beads over a gourd), called xequerê (or agbê) in Brazilian Portuguese
Interpretive Dance to Omulu with Marilza
Marilza devoted the class to dancing to Omulu, the ancient god of health and sickness and associated with the sun. Orthodox Candomble has specific movements for representing and invoking Omulu, but this class was designed to be interpretive of the spirit of the orixa rather than the traditional movements that would be done in a terreiro (Candomble house of worship). A highly elaborated variation of orixa dances can be seem in public performance of Salvador’s Bale Folclorico, has developed a highly stylized and virtuoso set of movements or the orixas for public performance.
Here, Marilza discussed the attributes of Omulu and developed movement that was not literally from the Candomble ceremony but an interpretation of the spirit of the orixa Omulu.
Marilza leading UW-Milwaukee students
Mindy and UW-Milwaukee dancers with Marilza, Omulu dances
Caelen, Marilza, Armando
The dance classes were always done with live percussion
The visit to the north Maranhao area of Barreirinhas was a hard days travel from Salvador to Sao Luis, followed by a 3-4 hour bus ride. The object was to have a peaceful couple of days between the intensity of Salvador and the demands visiting and documenting the various elements of the Sao Luis Bumba-meu-boi festival.
One of the sand dune barriers (barreirinhas) between the river Preguicas (“lazy”) and the Atlantic
But, first there was a hard day on the road, before reaching a riverside pousada.
Owner and staff of the pousada by the river Preguicas. A Brazilian breakfast of mangoes, papayas, various juices, sweet cakes and breads, and high-powered coffee.
This was followed by a more peaceful stay by the river Preguicas, which means “lazy” — reflecting the meandering of the river from the north of the state to the Atlantic. It becomes more brackish as it nears the sea and the buriti and carnauba palms give way to mangrove shorelines.
Behind the pousada, the “lazy” river Preguicas
The interior of the pousada patio. The parrot isn’t real, but the roof is. It is woven from fronds of the carnauba palm, which is high in wax oil content. In the U. S. it is found in diverse products such as automotive wax and cosmetics.
Another native plant here is acai, which grows as a high bush or tree in the palm groves. The berries seem to be about the size of ping-pong balls and grow in huge clusters high in the trees.
Although this region is a source of, the juice is harder to find; it must be picked by men who may have to reach the acai clusters by boat and then climb to harvest them. Besides that, the acai fruit has legendary status with body builders and alternative food outlets — not to mention the U.S. where it is included in “magical” juice products. It has a harsh taste, so in Brazil it is often mixed with (lots of) sugar or even manioc (yucca) flour. As a result, acai is destined for expensive markets and not on the normal pousada breakfast table. Abroad it is found mixed in small other amounts with other juices and rarely found in pure form.
This export-induced scarcity of acai is similar to coffee in Brazil, where it is said that best coffee was used for export and that of lesser quality was saved for the domestic market.
Acai high in the palms
UW-Milwaukee students discussing research papers and field notes with Simone Ferro (rt)
Research meetings on the patio of the pousada; here, Caelen and Professor Simone Ferro
UW-Milwaukee Study Abroad students (here, Imani center), getting around in Barreirinhas and Lencois, Maranhao (the Brazilian flag to the right climbing into the truck is Simone Ferro)
Bank of the river Preguicas near the community of Barreirinhas, Maranhao
Barrierinhas community backstreets, Maranhao
The north Maranhao dunes, between the river Preguicas and the Atlantic. The waters here are brackish and support a variety of crabs and mangrove growth
The dunes,, Atlantic Ocean in the background. In the foreground is a fence of palm to limit the blowing of sand (a bit like a snow fence in the colder climates)
UW-Milwaukee Study Abroad students at the barrier dunes. Troy, Caelen, Simone Ferro (group leader), Carly, Armando, Sandra (one of our hosts), and Imani
Oh yes, a non-scheduled visit to the Barreirinhas public clinic
One of the students was stung by a nasty local wasp. Fortunately the wasp is well-known in the region and the emergency clinic had medications to counter the reaction.
Evening in the Barreirinhas community clinic. Not on the schedule.
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Study Abroad students spent much of two consecutive days with members of BmB da Floresta. They received instruction in Tambor da Crioula, costume preparation and the embroidery techniques used by the group, and learned the basic floor movements of the dance of the indios. The indios represent the indigenous people of Maranhao and are traditionally called tapuias. Formerly danced only by men, women now dance as well.
Of the performative elements of the Baixada style, the indios/tapuias (both male and female)are usually the younger and most vigorous dancers.
Younger teenagers begin with simple version of the basic steps and eventually move up to the exotic costumes and steps of the more seasoned dancers. The leaders of the indios are typically between their twenties and forties.
One of the seasoned indio/tapuia dancers in a stylized cacice (chieftain) headdress. This status is only reached after several seasons.
Male indio or tapuia (left center) with female tapuia (barely visible, far left) and three Cazumba figures. Cazumbas represent various mystical entities and accompany the indios in the dance. The indigenous and forest symbolism is mixed with decorations on the headdress representing the crown of the Holy Ghost in the Catholic tradition.
UW-Milwaukee students worked with members of BmB da Floresta to lean the basic steps. First, the steps learned by the young girls and boys, then some variations for the more advanced tapuia dancers.
First steps being taught UWM students by Talyene Melonio
Talyene, demonstrating more advanced steps and introducing the spear (showing here how NOT to extend it to the rear, spearing another dancer). UWM students Mindy, Armando and Caelen
In the following video, UW-Milwaukee Study Abroad students are instructed by Talyene Melonio and Nadir Cruz.
UWM dance student Carly with one of the new Cazumba masks. One thing led to another and the students were soon embroidering themselves.
Preparing the Costumes
The group leaders explained that they renew about 40% of the costumes from year to year. A season or two of hour-by hour, night-by-night dancing shreds the costumes (and dancers) eventually.
BmB da Floresta integrates young people of the neighborhood into the production of costumes. Regular members do this as a matter of course, but the youth of this modest and difficult neighborhood can spend their off-hours in the culture and care of the Floresta group. They learn costuming skills, get a snack and protection from the street, and can become part of the Bumba-meu-boi culture.
The group has received some outside government support in the past (under the title “Floresta Criativa”), but even without formal support they have a continuing workshop for costuming.
A boy from the neighborhood embroidering decoration on a costume (June 2015). It was to be used that night in the baptism of the ox.
UWM dance students Tory and Carly getting instruction from one of the experienced young costumers. In the background are other neighborhood boys working on various projects, but here just watching the American students
UWM dance student Caelen getting instruction from one of experienced costumers
One of the young women in the group attaching feathers to a tapuia/india costume. Later she danced one of the female tapuia roles in the ceremony baptizing the ox.
One of the finished Cazumba costumes, with UWM professor Simone Ferro. This Saint George was done by the more experienced young embroiderers
A cacice (indio chieftain) headdress prepared by the experienced costumers. This is Saint George again, but the African form of the warrior recalls the identification of Saint George with the African-Brazilian spiritual entity Ogum (warrior orixa).
UW-Milwaukee Study Abroad students were taught the traditional Tambor da Crioula dance by members of Bumba-meu-boi de Floresta, a celebration group in the Baixada rhythmic style. Like many BmB groups they also practice the heritage dance of Tambor da Crioula, now designated a heritage practice and cultural landmark. Its origins are traced back to the slaves and African-descendants of Maranhao.
Historically the dance seems to have been the performance outlet for women in the group who did not perform in the early decades (centuries?) of the Bumba-meu-boi. There may have a number of reasons women were excluded: patriarchy, the rural division of gendered labor, and perhaps the violence associated with the early celebrations (groups were often rivals and violent confrontations were reputed to be common, sometimes ending in injury, jail or even, rarely, fatalities).
All these factors have changed with the domestication and urbanization of the festival. Women have taken on performance and management roles in the Bumba-meu-boi itself, rendering it less patriarchal and gender-segregated than in the past. But even as the Bumba-meu-boi has changed, the traditional gender separation of the Tambor da Crioula remains. Women of all ages dance, the few men involved are accompanists.
The dance seems distantly-related to the Samba da roda practiced elsewhere in Brazil and danced exclusively by women. Men do not dance in the TdC, but perform the percussion on three drums (somewhat reminiscent of the drums used in African-Brazilian spiritual practice).
Talyene Melonio (center) of BmB de Floresta demonstrating the Tambor da Crioula to UW-Milwaukee students and UWM Dance Professor Simone Ferro (right)
The women and girls dance in counter-clockwise fashion, improvising on a simple, basic set of steps that become swirls and turns — dramatized by large flowered skirts.
Talyene helps Simone Ferro to put on the traditional flowered skirts of Tambor da Crioula, Bumba-meu-boi da Floresta, Sao Luis
UW-Milwaukee dance students Tory, Emily in the background
Emily
The umbigada, or punga, with Carly and Tory at center. Others: Imani left, Caelen, and Simone Ferro (far right).
Women of all generations dance together in the Tambor da Crioula. One enters the center of the circle and dances. The solo is passed on via the umbigada or punga. A new dancer receives the solo by bumping bellies with the dancer in the middle. This passes the dance from one to another, eventually bringing each dancer to the center.
Of the three drums playing accompaniment, two are rhythm. The third has a higher tone and can play improvisation. The dancer often signals to the soloist drummer for a change in rhythm or special pulse to her solo.
UWM student Armando works with one of the young rhythm drummers of the Tambor da Crioula
The umbigada that passes along the solo to a new dancer comes from the Portuguese word umbigo, which means navel or umbilical. In some ways, the Maranhao term punga is onomatopoetic even more evocative.
Though the umbigada/punga may appear as just a performative element of the Tambor da Crioula (moving the dance from one performer to another), it is also evocative of women’s sexuality and the transfer of power from woman to woman, generation to generation.
A skin of the boi/ox showing a figure evoking the Virgin Mary on the left, with Maria Padilha, also known as Pombagira, on the right. A typical mixing of Catholic and African-Brazilian entities in Northeast Brazil.
The Bumba-meu-boi festival is a popular celebration in Brazil that has its epicenter in the northeast federal state of Maranhao. There, some 400 celebration groups are registered with the government (making them eligible for support). There are many more smaller celebration groups not registered but informally celebrating some part of the festival.
Another representation of Pombagira from a Candomble terreiro in Salvador
It is different from Carnaval in Rio, but it follows the religious calendar. Here are a few basics:
A boi/ox being “baptized” in the village of Pindoba
Carnaval in Rio and elsewhere is the pre-Lenten period of celebration, in the same religious calendar as Fasching in Germany and Mardi Gras in New Orleans. It is a highly stylized derivation of the samba with thousands of participants (originally associated with Rio neighborhoods) that culminates in a competition of groups at Rio’s Sambadromo (the outdoor amphitheater built specifically for that one night of the year).
The Bumba-meu-boi is also based in the religious calendar and in Maranhao it occurs during the “saints’ days” of June. The crucial period is the day of Saint John (Sao Joao) on the night of 23-24 June. Coming somewhat is the day of Saint Anthony of Padua (June 13), the day on which Ogun was celebrated in Salvador (see post on religious syncretism in Salvador).
After the day of Saint John the Baptist is June 28, the feast day of Saint Peter (Sao Pedro), beloved in Sao Luis because of its maritime history and reverence for the patron saint of fishermen and sailors. The June festival period officially concludes on the day of Saint Martial (Sao Marcal) on June 30. Sao Marcal is a lesser-known saint who was a 3rd century bishop of Limoges — his connection to Maranhao is not obvious, and he may be chosen because his birthday on June 30 provides another occasion for a festival and a procession closing the Bumba-meu-boi festival.
The boi (ox) being danced in performance/celebration of the group Bumba-meu-boi de Axixa.
A few terms:
Bumba-meu boi (BmB): A “boi” is an ox, the central symbolic character (represented by a four-foot ox puppet that is the center of the narrative (known as the auto or comedia). The meaning of “bumba” is ambiguous and multivalent, but it seems most commonly to evoke the sound of the large frame drum (Zabumba).
Ox frames in front of a “altar” to Sao John and other entities. One of them will receive a new “couro” or skin at the baptism.
The carcass or frame (also known as a capoeira) of an ox. Bumba-meu-boi de Pindoba
Sotaque: An “accent” or rhythmic form of the Bmb. There are five, each originally based in a different region of Maranhao.
Headquarters (sede) of a traditional group, Boi de Pindare. It is in the sotaque or rhythmic style known in Maranhao as Baixada
Batizado (baptism): In the older heritage practice, the ox is baptized on the evening on Sao Joao so that it can enter the street celebration as a sanctified “being” — that is, no longer a pagan. The batizado traditionally occurs on the eve of Saint John’s day with the ceremony culminating after midnight, Saint John’s birthday. On this day a new ox is unveiled and “danced” in the celebration of the saint. Because of the tradition of Brazilian syncretism, Saint John is also associated with other entities from indigenous and African-Brazilian practice. Thus, the batizado is practiced also in many houses of African-Brazilian spiritual worship.
An actual working boi near the village of Pindoba (Maranhao)
Lay batizado at Bumba-meu-boi de Floresta (Baixada). The taller icon at the right of the altar is Saint John, often represented as a child with a lamb. That image is the “official” emblem of the Bumba-meu-boi festival and shows the anchoring of the celebration in the Catholic calendar
A decorated boi (ox) carried by the miolo (the “insides” of the ox) who dances the huge puppet in performance. This occurs with a new ox only after it is “baptized.”
A newly baptized ox at Bumba-meu-boi de Floresta, Sao Luis. In a few minutes it will dance in a procession through the streets in a neighborhood celebration
Detail of a couro (“skin”) of the boi, showing the baptism of Jesus by Saint John. This biblical story is the symbolic link to the baptism of the ox performed on Saint John’s day. By master embroider Tania Lucia Soares of Sao Luis (see related post on Dona Tania and her embroidery)
The ox is a revered symbol of the performance and groups do not perform without one. Out of pride, groups baptize a new ox every year when they can afford it, but the highly embroidered skin may cost $2000, a significant sum for the groups and unattainable by the smaller groups in the interior. The couro above is done by Sao Luis’ most famous embroiderer, Dona Tania, and takes several months to craft.
A new couro being prepared in the workshop of Dona Tania of Sao Luis. Used by Bumba-meu-boi de Axixa (the rhythmic style/sotaque known as “Orquestra.” The figure to the viewer’s left is Saint John with Jesus at the right. The central logo celebrates 50 years of Axixa’s existence as a performance group.
The skin of the ox is often laden with Christian symbols, but also with evocations of African-Brazilian practice (e.g., Pombagira, Iansa/Saint Barbara, Iemanja or her representation as a mermaid, or Saint Benedict/”Preto Velho”). Another symbolism shown on a recent boi was that of Saint Cosme/Saint Damien — the twins of Catholic hagiography; in African-Brazilian practice they are often merged or syncretized with Ibeji, the holy twin orixas in Yoruba/Candomble practice.
An important element of the Study Abroad trip is to explore the roots and interconnections of Afro-Brazilian culture and spiritual practice in Northeast Brazil. These reflections are meant to provide a context students’ experience in Bahia, but you can skip the discursive sections and see the descriptions of the group’s experiences (with photos) below.
Some terms:
feijoada: a traditional Brazilian dish of beans (feijao), meat, served with rice and farofa (manioc flour). The term also refers to an event at which this is the main dish.
Ogum: orixa from Afro-Brazilian spiritual practice. Warrior and patron of iron workers. Often syncretized with Saint George, but also with Saint Anthony.
Our Lord of the Good End (Nosso Senhor do Bonfim: A Brazilian Catholic church in Salvador that is also the site of various Afro-Brazilian practices.
Church of Nosso Senhor do Bonfim,Salvador (Bahia)
Navigating the Syncretism of Salvador
Even though a majority of Brazilians are nominal Catholics, many are also practitioners of various spiritual practices of African heritage. Candomble is the best known, but there are various other forms across Brazil. Often they derive from the same West African spiritual matrix, but there are many African nations and cultures represented — including Yoruba, Fon, Jeje, Nago and many others. In Salvador Candomble is considered to be of largely Yoruba origins and it has been “purified” and refreshed in recent decades through a process of “reafricanization” that removed many of the new world practices and spiritual entities.
Yet, there are many variations in practice. In some spiritual houses there are entities of New World origin also worshiped (including Catholic saints). Thus, being active in Salvadoran spiritual communities may involve a nominal — even intense — Catholicism, and a possible association with a house of Candomble.
Cultural Survival and Continuity
In the history of Brazilian slavery the Portuguese “slavocrats” (escravocrata, as they are called in the history books) tried to separate families, linguistic groups and the diverse cultures of the slaves who were brought to Brazil. This had the result of mixing the cultures and enforcing the Portuguese language as the lingua franca for all. There had been earlier attempted led by Jesuits to establish Nheengatu as the general language (lingua geral) of Brazil. The language was based on the indigenous Tupi and Guarani languages. The Jesuits generally opposed the slavery of indigenous peoples and this brought them into conflict with the plantation owners and slavers. As a result the Jesuits were withdrawn from Brazil by the Portuguese government which, under regent Marquis de Pombal, sided with the slavers. Subsequent slavery shifted from indigenous peoples to imported Africans and the Portuguese language was enforced.
In spite of repression, the African languages survived in part, as did the practices that came from the various peoples and nations of Africa. Various deities such as orixas had commonalities from one African group to another. This allowed a maintenance of common tradition, although mixing of spiritual entities (orixas and others) and languages, all with an overlay of Portuguese language and an enforced Catholic culture. Other entities entered African-Brazilian practice from indigenous traditions, but these are stronger in areas such as Maranhao than in Salvador.
Salvadoran spiritual culture embraces Catholicism and Afro-Brazilian spiritual practice – sometimes with an attempted purity in one or the other, but often combined in private and public practice. The usual term is syncretism, which is used here roughly to mean the identification of African entities and deities with the saints of the Catholic Church so that one could worship both, or appear to worship the official religion while privately identifying with African entities. Various authorities search a proper term for this syncretism — sometimes seeing a merging of saints and orixas, sometimes a submerging and camouflage of African belief beneath the practices and saints of entities of Catholicism, and sometimes seeing the two as “oil and water” that mix and coexist but do not merge.
A Contemporary Example: A day in a village near Salvador
This particular day in Salvador was a mix of all these unique northeast Brazilian traditions.
A friend from a capoeira class took us to a modest village/bairro about forty minutes from the center of Salvador where we visited a celebration for the orixá Ogum. It was a small, mostly orthodox house of Candomble (terreiro) but this was not a completely formal ceremony. The public was invited to share the food (a traditional dish of beans and rice with the meat of an ox, freshly prepared for the event).
The ceremony was presided over by a man who served as the administrator, guide, sexton and director of the event. He oversaw the drummers, signaled the percussion rhythms to be played and gently guided the event.
Drums decorated for the celebration
The central figure was the mae de santos (“Mother of Saints,” the spiritual leader of the terreiro). She led the dancing, cared for the novitiates, and guided the spiritual integrity of the celebration.
A few elements of the event:
By tradition there are three drums of determined sizes They play specific rhythms for each entity (orixá) to be invoked, and each rhythm accompanies a specific dance movement for the orixá.
Novitiates and devotees in a dance for the orixa Ogum
The high points in the ceremony occur when a novitiate “receives” an entity and embodies it. In this tradition the entities have not bodies and communicate with the believing community through the bodies of the novitiates. This occurs during the period of drumming and dancing when one of the devotees enters what appears to be a trance that signals the presence of the orixá.
The presence of the entity in the dancer is signaled by the placement of a special shawl that also serves to support the person so that he or she does not fall.
Devotee dancing, apparently having received a spiritual entity
After the ceremony we got a special introduction to the various resting places of the orixás. Some are simple figures, some might seem to be altars, and others are resting places for the entities with specially-prepared covers and offerings.
The ceremony we saw was dedicated to Ogum, the orixá of war and iron. There was a small altar to him in the courtyard of the terreiro.
There is no strict syncretism or convergence of orixas and Catholic saints that is valid for all terreiros and traditions. However, there are some commonalities that are recognizable despite variations by region and tradition. For example, Ogum is broadly associated with St. George, but in many Candomble houses in Salvador Ogum is associated with St. Anthony (whose day is June 13, the day of his death). On this afternoon the feijoada and ceremony were dedicated to the African-Brazilian entity Ogum, but the same terreiro was celebrating Saint Anthony that evening. The ox that had been slaughtered for Ogum during the day would serve for Saint Anthony in the evening.
Altar to Ogum, warrior and patron of iron workers
The terreiro also had a pantheon of orixás they honored, including
Iemanja (goddess of the sea,and often syncretized with some attributed of the Virgin Mary)
Artist’s rendering of Iemanja, oriya of the seas, protector of sailors, mother of all orixas. Often syncretized with Our Lady of Conception and Our Lady of Seamen (Nossa Senhora dos Navigates)
A private pantheon of orixas in a protected altar
Ogum, god of iron an war (usually syncretized with Saint George). Patron of iron workers and warriors.
Artist’s rendering of Ogum (Ogun), warrior and protector of iron workers (linked to St George, and also to St. Anthony)
Yansa/Iansa, goddess of the wind and tempest. Wife of Xango, the god of thunder and fire. Sansa is often syncretized with Saint Barbara, a 3rd century saint who was executed by her Roman father because she had adopted the Catholic faith.
Yansa/Iansa, oriza of winds and tempest. Associated with Saint Barbara, whose father was destroyed by tempest after he had her executed. She is sometimes a figure associated with death.
Omulu figure from a festival in Sao Luis, Maranhao
Omulu (also called Obaluae or Babaluae): in Candomble and other Afro-Brazilian spiritual practices Omulu is the spiritual entity (oriya) associated with sickness and health. Usually a male, but sometimes a female, Omulu is often syncretized or associated with the Catholic Saint Lazarus (for a bit of trivia, see the Note below).
Many of the figures were at rest, covered in a protected space — so I don’t have a photo from that terriero. But here are some images from various festivals in which the figure is danced.
Dancing Omulu from a folkloric festival in Olimpia, Brazil (state of Sao Paulo)
Performance figure invoking Omulu, in the festival group Bumba-meu-boi de Floresta (Sao Luis, Maranhao)
Oxala, an orixa whose gentleness is often associated with Jesus.
Altar of symbols to Oxala
Interesting, this terreiro seemed not to have fully “reafricanized” by purging itself of Brazilian entities that entered the practice in the New World. There were caboclos, representative of the indigenous chiefs of the forest; and there was Pombagira, a sensual entity. She is presented in red, drinking wine and smoking. Often she is adopted as the patron of prostitutes and has gained popularity among gay Brazilians as well. She is often not included in the orthodox pantheon of Candomble, but has a wide popular appeal.
Pombagira, an female entity representing sensuality
Nosso Senhor do Bonfim
To complete the syncretistic tour of Salvador we ended the day at the famous church of “Our Lord of the Good End.” the name refers to Jesus Christ, who is also associated with the Afro-Brazilian entity Oxala. So far as we know, this is the largest and most famous Catholic church (and perhaps the only one) that includes Oxala in its worship. On special occasions the devotees of Oxala attend a special mass wearing symbolic white gowns with read sashes or scarves. Uniquely, the worship is of both Oxala and Jesus.
The church is also site of another unique syncretic practice. Once a year traditional Salvadoran women (Bahaianas) form a procession of several miles and walk/dance several miles from the harbor in the lower city to the church. There they wash the steps of the Church to purify it for the orixás. In the procession they also carry figures of Yemanja (also Iemanja), the goddess of the sea, mother of all orixás, and also a figure of Our Lady of Conception. She is also represented by a sereia, or mermaid.
Student group in front of Nosso Senhor do Bonfim, in front of devotional ribbons that are tied to the iron gates as offerings/wishes
In his famous novel Mar Morto, Jorge Amado says that sailors are blessed to drown in the arms of Iemanja—a romantic death that the figures in the novel do not seem to seek out with a lot of enthusiasm. However, the legend offers the consolation that someone lost at sea is in arms of the mother of all who love the sea.
( Note: Older readers and late-night viewers of a comedy channel may vaguely recall the Lucille Ball show in which her husband, Desi Arnaz, would often be shown with his band singing Babalu…Babaluae. This is a 1930’s Cuban song that references the West African heritage of many Cubans Africa-descendants. In Cuba the practice is often called Santeria and is related to the same broad African cultural matrix as Candomble practice.)
More than a week has gone by since the Study Abroad group left the Midwest, and there has not been much free time for writing and reflection. This is a bit of a reconstruction of the trip so far.
The trip looked like this:
At first, airport after airport. We left on Monday (June 8) and flew from Milwaukee through Atlanta to Rio de Janeiro, then finally to Salvador in Bahia.
In Rio there was the usual wandering through customs and resettling the luggage on a regional flight — which, of course, has somewhat different baggage policies than the international flights. Since I am carrying an extra hard-case of camera equipment the customs officials enjoy looking through the gear to make sure it is old (it is, much of it older than I would like), and patiently listening my explanation in Portuguese (well rehearsed at this point) that I am the assistant and photographer for a university Study Abroad class.
Sometimes that works, but if not we go on to talk about our research in the Northeast. The customs officials understand pesquisador (researcher), and fotografo, and journalista — some combination of which will usually get me through (while the students are patiently waiting). If that were not enough, I normally set off the alarms with a steel shoulder replacement, which lights up the monitoring equipment as if I were a walking bomb. Looking as harmless as possible, I try to enjoy being patted down in variety of languages. I am thinking about having a multilingual sign made that says something like “I am a harmless photographer with a few renovated body parts, none of which explode.”
What they really want to know is if I will explode or try to clandestinely sell smuggled equipment.
None of this compares, though, with the trip a few years ago when we brought back a four-foot puppet ox from the festival. It was a cherished gift that was understood by everyone in Maranhao, but each airport closer to home found greater and greater incomprehension. Then we also realized that it was a large artifact with many places to smuggle this or that. We did confirm that the ceremonial herbs in the ox’s horns were not on anyone’s wanted list or would be sniffed out by the drug beagles in the U.S.
Monday & Tuesday Airplane and airports (Milwaukee, Atlanta, Rio de Janeiro and, finally, Salvador in Bahia)
Tuesday Land in Rio de Janeiro, wander through customs, transfer to Salvador (Bahia) flight
Arrive in Salvador in the afternoon, looking and feeling our very best, test our land legs, attack a local restaurant (stupendous “Red Fish,” Red Snapper or what is called Huachinango in Spanish) — about 50 feet from the sea.
Porto Barra, evening coastline near the hotel
Salvador from the air
Wednesday
Downtown Salvador (Pelourhino)
Samba da Roda classes from a folklorist/scholar
Walking tour of Pelourhino (including two churches — “Our Lady of the Rosary of the Blacks,” the old Salvadoran slave church, and the Church of San Francisco (built by slaves with about 700 kilos of gold and a bit more ostentation that you might expect for a church dedicated to the saint of the poor and animals. On the other hand, his image looks a bit cruciform and agonistic — as it he were a bit pained at what was done in his name)
The fort at Porto Barra, evening
The best place to sample regional cuisine is the remarkable SENAC, a culinary institute that trains its students in the hospitality industry, particularly in preparing and serving Bahian specialities. It includes some of the best that African/Brazilian cuisine has to offer (some of which, of course, like Acaraje, are the preferred foods of various orixas).
Fishing boats at the old Porto Barra naval station
The evening program was back to the Pelourinho historical center for a performance of the Bale Folklorico da Bahia, whose program is based on stylized movement related to Afro-Brazilian culture — West African deities (orixas), Brazilian/African martial arts (capoeira), and a rural samba (Samba da Roda) that predates by generations the social dance form and Carnaval form of samba that is more widely known to visitors.
The Church of San Francis, built with 700 kilos of gold (for the benefit of the poor, the tour guide explains, ironically)
The evidence of Afro-Brazilian/Catholic is so pervasive that the most famous church here has a special service for Oxala, the syncretized version of Jesus Christ. A very high percentage of Salvadorans are African-descendants or mixtures with a high African cultural component, and many (perhaps most) practice both Catholicism and Candomble.
The pedestrian walkway above the beach from the hotel window
Soccer-volley ball at the Porto Barra beach
Thursday
Ecology day: Day at Praia da Forte where Projeto Tamar has created a preserve for giant turtles who breed on these shores but were nearly wiped out by predatory fishing and capture for commercial products. It is a beautiful fishing port, where the old pattern of predatory fishing that endangered the turtles has been turned into a preserve. Projeto Tamar creates local jobs in the preservation effort and in the associated tourist industry. Hundreds of families are supported by making products and providing services at Praia da Forte.
Praia da Forte is a site of Projeto Tamar, a broad program to preserve the habitat of the huge turtles.
Loggerhead turtle at Praia do Forte. The loggerheads and other large turtle species are protected in their spawning ground here
UW-Milwaukee Study Abroad student at Praia do Forte
UWM students in downtown Salvador, with Bahaianas in traditional dress
Almost every day’s activities leads back to the Pelourinho area in the historic cultural center. The word refers to a whipping post once used in the square for the public punishment of slaves. It is now a center of Afro-Brazilian culture and tourist activity. The Bahaianas are a kind of welcoming committee sponsored by various stores. The one on the right is an old friend — she remember us from a few years ago when I got separated from the group while taking photos. The Bahaiana told them where to find the “tall guy in the white hat.” On this visit she assured the group that she would keep track of me again this year.
These Bahaianas are a touristic/commercial phenomenon, but they evoke an older cultural history. The street trade in food and crafts was dominated by free slave women and they have been a presence in the center of Salvador for centuries. This is also the dress of the women of the Afro-Brazilian spiritual practice of Candomble. Bahaianas dominate the Candomble houses and hold a major spiritual process from the lower city/harbor of Salvador to the church of “Our Lord of the Good End” (Nossa Senhor do Bonfim) where they carry an image of the oriya Iemanja (or Yemanja) and wash the steps of the church to purify it for the Afro-Brazilian entities known as orixas. This syncretism is particularly strong in Salvador for many reasons — including the high concentration of African descendants in Salvador (and the surrounding state of Bahia), the emergence of an urban commercial culture of freed (manumitted) slaves, and the durability and tenacity of African-based cultural forms in the region.
More about this complicated connection between Catholicism and Afro-Brazilian practice in later posts.
Church of the Lord of the Good End (Nosso Senhor do Bonfim), Salvador
Student group in front of Nosso Senhor do Bonfim, in front of devotional ribbons that are tied to the iron gates as offerings/wishes
The first phase of our research is a study-abroad course taught through the Department of Dance, Peck School of the Arts, the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. A similar class has been offered twice before, and we have been accompanied in other years by undergraduate research students who were supported by the university to carry out original research on Northeast Brazilian cultura popular.
The course includes the study of samba, capoeira (the Brazilian martial art), religious institutions and history, Afro-Brazilian spiritual culture, music and dance. All of the students have had training in dance or capoeira, and will be given additional instruction during the trip.
Capoeira with Mestra Angola, Salvador
Simone Ferro leads the class, assisted by Meredith Watts who is also the project photographer (and blogger). Together they have led classes and conducted research in Brazil for nearly a decade. They have presented a number public presentations and academic papers on the Northeast Brazilian dance/festival known as the Bumba-meu-boi, and are in the last stages of developing a book on the struggle between heritage culture (“tradition”) and modernization (innovation and change) in organization, performance, funding, politics, religion, race, generational change, and gender transformations in the Bumba-meu-boi. The festival, like capoeira, samba and religious practice in the Northeast, show the strong interaction of indigenous, European and African cultural elements in the making of Brazil’s culture.
Drumming class with Olodum in the streets of the historical center of Salvador
The class left for Salvador (Bahia) in early June, moved on to Sao Luis(Maranhao), and concluded with a brief stopover in Rio de Janeiro on the way back to theUnited States. This timing allowed students to observe the “Saint’s Days” of celebration in Sao Luis, where the events are marked by the days in the religious calendar honoring Saint John (Sao Joao), Saint Peter (Sao Pedro), and Saint Martial (Sao Marcal).
India performer in the Bumba-meu-boi festival, Sao Luis (Maranhao)
Caboclo Real (Royal Indian) performer, Bumba-meu-boi festival, Sao Luis
Meredith Watts and Simone Ferro have been conducting research on Northeast Brazilian cultura popular for nearly decade. This blog is a continuing record of field notes and reflections beginning with their 2015 visit to the Bumba-meu-boi festival in Sao Luis (Maranhao). For earlier research see our websites at http://www.meredithwwatts.com (under “Brazil Research”) and http://www.simoneferro.com.
UWM Students at the Lencois Dunes, on the north coast of Maranhao
There are two research trips in 2015-2016. The first is a Study Abroad class of the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee to Salvador (Bahia), Sao Luis (Maranhao), and a brief stop in Rio de Janeiro. The second research trip is a longer visit to Sao Luis for most of the academic year 2015-2016 (roughly September to July) to do the last phase of research for a book on Northeast Brazilian festival culture.
Simone Ferro filming the Bumba-meu-boi Festival, Sao Luis